Editor’s note: Senator Iroegbu, the chief defence correspondent with ThisDay newspaper, reflects on his experience of traveling with the convoy of Lieutenant General Tukur Buratai, and stresses the need to define and develop civil-military relations in Nigeria to avoid escalations of conflicts like the recent violent stand-offs between the Nigerian army and Shi’ites, IPOB supporters.
I have restrained myself from commenting on the recent deadly confrontation between the Nigerian Army and Sheik Ibrahim El-Zakzaky-led Shi’ite Islamic sect in Zaria, and the incarcerated Nnamdi Kanu-led Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB) agitators.
The clash, which has been trending for the last two weeks with its attendant international slant, brought to my doorstep a maze of moral, ethical and professional dialogue that must be resolved.
The need to op-ed this is because I am involved as a Nigerian and by the virtue of my profession as a journalist practising in this dear country of ours.
I was with the chief of army staff (COAS), Lieutenant General Tukur Buratai’s convoy for three weeks but left two days before the tragic encounter with Shi’ite Islamic Movement in Zaria, Kaduna state. It was a journey that took me to Benue, Cross River, Borno, Yobe and then Jigawa states, which provided me with the ample opportunity to feel the pulse of the officers and soldiers who have to work under life-threatening conditions to sustain the nation’s internal security and territorial integrity. I have also have a closer view about the man Buratai that apart from being a soldier’s soldier and generals’ general, he exudes a humane and humble personality, far from the Idi Amin-like posture some people may want to cast on him.
Blurred lines of asymetric warfare
There is no doubt that having covered defence and security beat for some years now, I have come to appreciate the efforts and sacrifices of our security agencies.
Within this period, I have come to forge some level of “top-down” relationship with the military services and personnels that is required to excel in my job. It has also afforded me the opportunity to understand the psyche, work patterns, weaknesses and strengths, challenges and opportunities that go with the profession.
I love the discipline, security and orderliness that goes with the military profession as much as I cherish the freedom (of thoughts, association and movement) that is guaranteed within the civil populace. Having come from the civil background on the one hand, and as well as observed the regimented setting of the military profession on the other hand, I can conclude that the two are polar opposites that will usually spark at the points of rare convergence. By implication, these are two distinct worlds that are diametrically opposed to each other in ideology and perspective.
Consequently, this differing world view presents a potential flashpoint in the civil-military relations, like the present situation in Nigeria.
By its design and professional ethics, military training and service entails detachment from the civil populace. In an ideal situation the military service is a highly regimented and professional world that confines those who serve from barracks, bases, and formations, etc, to the war zones or conflict areas, and vice versa. Its primary goal is to defend the nation’s territorial integrity and suppress internal insurrection, meaning its contacts are mostly against the enemies of the state, who they must fight and crush — if necessary.
However, the changing nature of conflicts occasioned by global terrorism, non-state actor-led asymmetric warfare embedded within the civil populace has blurred these traditional lines. With increasing threat of terrorism and inability of the police to deal with the attendant security challenges, the military has to be drafted into an unfamiliar territory of managing civil unrest with its inherent anomalies.
Consequently, drafting the armed forces to quell civil unrest — a job normally reserved for the police — is a recipe for disaster as shown in the cases of Zaki Biam, Odi, Onitsha and the Zaria killings.
Unfortunately, terrorism-induced asymmetric conflicts and guerrilla warfare championed by Boko Haram terrorists and their likes have turned parts of the country into unconventional war-zones. The prevailing reality has created deadly confrontations with civilian population and civil groups, with its unavoidable casualties on both sides. This must, however, be urgently tackled by both the military and civil authorities.
Accordingly, the Department of Civil-Military Relations and as well as the National Orientation Agency (NOA) and other related bodies have their work well cut out. And to avoid the mounting casualties, the military needs to reassess its rules of engagement without compromising its primary duties and combat readiness. The challenge here is that the military is not the civil police, but the fluid nature of emerging conflicts has forced them into playing a hitherto police duties. They must therefore learn how to respond with minimal force without abdicating their core responsibilities.
In the same vein, the civil populace need and must be educated on how not to confront the military or provoke them into self-defence that could easily switch to the deadly offensive mode. Even though the Nigerian military has been lauded as one of the most efficient and highly disciplined in the world, in this dire situation, some elements and trigger-happy personnel might use the opportunity to simply teach “bloody civilians” a lesson they will never forget.
To this end, members of the public must be fully mobilised and sensitized on the difference between the military and civil police without necessarily losing their freedom and rights as enshrined in the constitution.
The Zaria precedent
This now brings me to the tragic Zaria incidence of December 12, 2015, where the civil-military relations simply went sour. Like I stated earlier, I was with the Buratai’s convoy before leaving for Abuja from Jigawa two days earlier. Having been embedded with the army for over a week covering and monitoring the ongoing counter-terrorism activities in parts of Borno state, I can say that the alert level and combat readiness of the officers and soldiers were at its maximum.
While in Borno state, we visited some of the hot zones in Gajigani and Konduga, among others, where the troops work under hostile environment and harsh weather conditions.
I must state that the frequent visits of Buratai to the war zones, battle front and various army units/formations is no mean feat. It is not for the lilly-livered nor is it for show and entertainment purposes because it places not only his life but those around him in danger.
I could recall how scary it was to drive from Borno through the lonely and dangerous routes to Damaturu, Yobe state, where we also passed a night. Even though I was with heavily armed, combat-ready and highly alert army convoy, I still felt vulnerable that any ambush could prove deadly. Not only was I worried but yet determined for the duty call, my family is even more worried, and you can imagine the families left behind by these committed officers who are not in any way immune to bullets. It was therefore in that state of combat readiness and war mood that we left to Jigawa and later to attend the Passing Out Parade of 73 Regular Recruits Intake of Depot Nigerian Army, Zaria, in Kaduna state.
Unfortunately, it was also in this mood that the Shi’ite leaders “ignorantly” encouraged their members (based on what I saw in the video and the statement by the director of army public relations, Col. Sani Usman) to confront the fully armed, agitated, highly alert and battle ready COAS convoy. It is even to the credit of the military (and dangerously so) that they were patient for over 30 minutes, while negotiating the right of passage with the Islamic Movement in Nigeria (Shiites) whose followers practically placed Buratai and his men under siege. No matter how you might view it, that singular act of laying siege on the COAS for almost an hour is a dangerous provocation. He is the symbol of the army, the number one man, and any threat to him is not just a threat to the Nigerian army but symbolically to the national security.
He could have been ambushed and shot within the period the siege lasted. It could also be recalled that Buratai had earlier survived an ambush when his convoy was attacked in Borno state. Therefore, the natural instinct was to break the Shi’ite siege even with minimal collateral damage.
The IPOB precedent
But don’t get me wrong here. I am not and won’t support extra-judicial killings or (gross) human rights violation as it saddens me whenever a life is lost, in this instance, the Shi’ite members. Even though I have tried to understand why the military acted the way they did, one could not help but wonder what necessitated the deadly carnage that followed, leading to the destruction of lives and properties of the Shi’ites. I heard from some sources that there was intelligence report alleging that the Shi’ites were in possession of stockpile of arms and possibly planning an attack against security and state institutions, prompting the pre-emptive strike.
However, I still feel the second wave of the military retaliation was an unwarranted overkill and unlike the first, which was to break the siege. At worst, that operation required police action first and the military could have been involved only in a situation had the police been successfully challenged or repelled by a superior fire power.
Anyway, the army authorities have elected not to speak further on the issue until the judicial inquiry to address the incident conclude their work.
Similarly, the military have been reportedly involved in two separate confrontations with the IPOB members in the commercial city of Onitsha, Anambra state, leading to the death of some of them. The deputy director of army public relations, 82 Division of the Nigerian Army, Enugu, Colonel Hamza Sambo, who confirmed these deaths, said that the military acted in self-defence, killing three IPOB members in the process.
Crucial points
The questions are: why draft and drag the military into a purely police issue? Aren’t we increasingly involving the army into a civil unrests that they are not trained and equipped to handle thereby creating such ugly scenarios? Were the Shi’ite and IPOB members armed or found to have attacked any state institution in a calculated or impulsive manner? Did they ever overpower the police to require the involvement of the military? Are the military permitted and required to use live bullets against own citizens who have not deliberately carried arms against the state?
These are questions begging for an answer as we try to resolve the volatile situation.
The fact is that most members of the public are ignorant (and rightly so) of the military rules of engagement, as well as unable to understand the retributory actions and consequences of confronting the police trained to control civil unrest and those of the military whose primary duty is to take down the enemy. The ease with which we draft the military to confront unarmed groups of Nigerians engaged in civil disobedience is to such extent a deadly combination that it must be nipped. The flagrant use of the military to quell civil unrests must be addressed, with its rules of engagement for that purpose revisited. This is needed to avert the impending catastrophe which might arise, as more citizens are increasingly demanding for their rights, being emboldened by the freedom that democracy offers them to air their dissatisfaction about the state of the nation.
In a nutshell, the military institution, which is the symbol of our national strength, security and unity, must be preserved as a responsible force. It must be seen as the protector of the citizenry and not the other way round. Therefore, with the changing face of conflicts bridging that traditional fault-line of civil-military dichotomy, there must be efforts to create the needed understanding and rapprochement.
In the same vein, the citizenry must be sensitized to respect our military institution and as well as appreciate the role they play for our collective security and preservation of the nation’s territorial integrity. After all, there is no nation without the people, and the people cannot be secured without their armed forces.
Senator Iroegbu is the chief defence correspondent with ThisDay newspaper, a media consultant, analyst and development facilitator.
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